"The working class, its role and
its mission today.
The tasks and concrete experiences of the Communist Party in the working class
and the trade union."
Brussels, 16-18 May 2008
www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org
Contribution of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
From the start, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) had a clear political and ideological position as well as a clear concept of its practical struggle, both of which became enriched within the context of the national process that was taking place. Those principles which are most important and worth mentioning are: first, the close relationship of the concept of stages within the Palestinian movement as a national liberation movement with specific characteristics; and second, the close relationship between this political orientation and organizational solutions which move towards the specific objectives of mobilizing the forces and strengthening national unity.
At its foundation, the DFLP declared itself a united leftist front, calling for the establishment of a Democratic revolutionary alliance. On this basis, the leftist and democratic sectors of different tendencies, which did not previously belong to a specific organization, were gathered under one umbrella.
The Fifth General Congress (August 2007) approved the political report that was presented concerning the Palestinian situation in general. At the conclusion of the deliberations, it was affirmed that the priority in the ranks of the national struggle resides in the unification of the
Palestinian national program. That program is based on the National Reconciliation Document, which serves to accelerate the rhythm of the struggle against occupation and colonization until the ability of achieving national rights is attained. The program operates within the framework of a global and balanced solution, with the creation of the independent Palestinian state established on those Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital, and to protect the rights of refugees to return to their homes and properties. This demands the strengthening of the national political position, and not again falling into the trap of partial solutions and temporary agreements, particularly the project of a state with provisional borders, and the indefinite postponing of essential questions of the Palestinian cause, such as the convening of an international conference, without determining authorities or objectives. It also demands —as a supreme patriotic priority— to find a way out from the catastrophic and irregular situation that has emerged recently in Gaza, whose solution demands national understanding that will only be possible through dialogue. This should be based on eliminating the consequences of the military strike, the formation of a transitional government made up of figures distant from the current polarizing factors, the modification of the law of general elections through the approval of the law of percentage representation, and the reactivation and development of PLO institutions based on the Cairo Declaration and the Document of National Reconciliation.
The Congress reaffirmed that the armed struggle is the main support that nurtures the Intifada – it doesn't reduce it, but contributes to its development and leads the occupiers into a protracted war of attrition, increasing the material and human costs and forcing them to recognize the inalienable rights of Palestinian people.
The Congress adopted a call to the masses of our people —as much in the homeland as in the Diaspora— for this to be the year of the recovery of Palestinian national unity and the putting to an end of the division that they suffer on the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip.
After the Invitation of the "Institute for Informational Economics" in Washington D.C (1989) and due to John Williamson, the main ten points to enter the world of globalization (Washington Consensus) were the following:
We can see that the essence in the Consensus of Washington, which concludes the direction of the Policy of the I W F and the World bank is the macro economical stability, the minimization of the role of the states (slim administration, less taxes and subvention, privatization) and the liberalization.
For the Palestinian National Movement, the liberation of the circumstances of production means to destroy the main tool to fulfill the aims of the stage of national liberation. It means that the contract should be made directly between the employer and the employee, without the involvement of his trade or his labor union. This leads to annul the role of unions to protect the collective social interest of its members and weak the organized representation for the working class in our society, which should take its pioneer place in the national struggle.
The connection between the social interests with the national interest can be easy done within the work of Palestinian union and mass organizations and their consolidation, which is the main tool for our national struggle.
The leadership of the Palestinian Authority (PA), which follows obedient this international financial policy (Washington Consensus) and accept its rules, is not able to establish the main targets of the national liberation. Several figures of the leadership of the Palestinian Authority (PA) are bound by contracts with Israeli companies and dependent on the foreign capital. That’s why they are not able to lead the Palestinian National Liberation Movement to her expectation.
This inconsequent leadership should step aside for the rehabilitated national democratic forces from the revolutionary left wing of the national liberation movement, who are trying now to unite under a specific umbrella, which contains beside the DFLP, the PFLP and the PPP.
Dear Camerades,
attached please find the written contribution of the DFLP
for the ICS (Brussels, 16-18 May 2008)
with best regards
Fuad Zeidan / Hamburg - Germany