The validity and current relevance of the October Revolution of 1917 for the 21st century
Brussels, 4-6 May 2007
www.icsbrussels.org , ics[at]icsbrussels.org
The necessity for a revolutionary party of a new type in present conditions
Eliseos Vagenas (*)
Communist Party of Greece (KKE)
Just a few days before the 62nd anniversary of the anti-fascist victory the government of Estonia dismantled the monument to the soldiers of the Red Army – the "Bronze Alyosha" - and moved it out of the city centre of Tallinn, wishing to obliterate the USSR's contribution to the victory over fascism and to rehabilitate the SS.Eliseos Vagenas (*)
Just a few days before the 62nd anniversary of the anti-fascist victory the government of Estonia dismantled the monument to the soldiers of the Red Army – the "Bronze Alyosha" - and moved it out of the city centre of Tallinn, wishing to obliterate the USSR's contribution to the victory over fascism and to rehabilite the SS.
This step was immediately condemned by our party which is of the opinion that it is connected to the general anti-communist campaign in Europe that has shown itself in the Anti-communist Memorandum of PACE [Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe], in the proscription of communist parties, and in harassment of and restrictions placed on the activities of communists. This was a well planned "step" on the road of black propaganda against the socialism of the 20th century and of anti-sovietism supported not just by the right and social democracy, but even by some self-styled "left" political tendencies.
The issue here is not just that the USSR is no more, and that, as the old Greeks used to say, "once an oak has been felled, anyone can chop the wood". The point is that this measure taken by the Estonian authorities is being supported – and not just by the US, but also by the EU. The EU is attempting step by step to obliterate from people's memories the whole contribution of communist and workers’ movements in Europe and the world over.
One of the reasons for these frenzied attacks on the communist movement, from the moment of its creation up to the present, is to prevent political organisation of the working class such as would effectively organize the proletarian struggle in such a way as to transform "the class in itself" [i.e. one defined objectively by its socio-economic conditions] into "the class for itself" [i.e. one with a consciousness of itself and a unifying ideology (class consciousness)], for abolition of the capitalist exploitation and for the seizure the power, through the dictatorship of the proletariat, liberating also all other layers exploited of in capitalist society and eliminating exploitation altogether.
Being a target of the bourgeois class and opportunists
From the moment that the party of a New Type first appeared, its ideological opponents also began attacking it, focussing principally on its character, its identity, and its ideological principles. From the very beginning the capitalists and their apologists understood, from their class position, the role to be played by a revolutionary party of a new type in securing the political emancipation of the working class. The arrows pointed against such a party by revisionism, both right and left, are also very poisonous. This ideological attack continues unabated right up to the present day and it will continue as long as the capitalist system rules this planet and capitalist relations continue to exist.
If we will study the whole period during which lively discussions took place about what kind of party was needed and on what principles it should be based, we can conclude that the proletarian party was born through an uncompromising struggle against the opportunism that had arisen within its own ranks at that time. Without this struggle it would have been impossible to establish party of a new type at the particular moment when the need for revolution was the ripe. The experience of the political organisation of the working class was systematized by Lenin, and it is to that great revolutionary that the working class owes the foundation of the leading role of the vanguard party in the political struggle of the working class and other working people both in the course of the revolution and following the victory of the revolution.
As Lenin said, "… only the political party of the working class, i.e., the Communist Party, is capable of uniting, training and organizing a vanguard of the proletariat and of the whole mass of the working people that alone will be able of withstanding the inevitable petty-bourgeois vacillations of this mass and the inevitable traditions and relapses of narrow craft unionism or craft prejudices among the proletariat, and of guiding all the united activities of the whole of the proletariat, i.e., of leading it politically, and through it, the whole mass of the working people.thus a communist party is capable to unite, to bring up, to organise such vanguard of the proletariat and of all working masses that alone will be able to stand up to the unavoidable agitation of the petty bourgeois , unavoidable traditions and incidents of the professional narrowness of professional preconceptions amongst proletarians and to rule the whole united activities of the whole proletariat, thus to rule him politically and through him to rule the whole working masses" (1)
Such party succeeded in bringing about the world historic victory of proletariat and peasantry and others in October 1917 and then went on to overcome the difficult problems which arose in connection with smashing the old society and in constructing a new, socialist one.
One of the main principles of the activity of the Leninist party is theoretical foundation in the revolutionary theory of Marxism- Leninism. Lenin wrote that "Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement … the role of vanguard fighter can be fulfilled only by a party that is guided by the most advanced theory …" (2)
The theory of Marxism Leninism as a revolutionary ideology of the working class was created and is developing in the conditions of a hard and non-compromising struggle against the bourgeois ideology. Describing 3 main forms of the struggle of the proletariat for its liberation (the economic, the political and the ideological) Lenin stressed that the ideological struggle against the bourgeoisie will be long and complicated. The proletariat can achieve victory in this struggle only on condition that it remains faithful to Marxist Leninist theory, unmasking at the same time even the small influences of the capitalist ideology in the workers’ movement. In his book "What is to be done?" Lenin wrote that "the only choice is – either bourgeois or socialist ideology. There is no middle course …Hence, to belittle socialist ideology in any way, to turn aside from it in the slightest degree means to strengthen bourgeois ideology " (3) That is why the struggle of communists for the purity of Marxist Leninist theory, for unmasking of various efforts by bourgeois ideologists and their sectarian and revisionist allies to falsify this theory, is so important. Marxism grew up and matured through this struggle, as Lenin says, because " "Marxism ... did not conceal the disagreements, ...[it] did not play the diplomat Marxism… did not hide the differences… it didn’t behave diplomatically" (4) And that is why it is so important to believe that it was precisely Marxist Leninist theory that enabled the Bolshevik party to become such almighty force – the leader of October revolution, the vanguard of the creators of socialist society and communism.
V.I. Lenin is the originator of the theory of party organisation, of the rules of the party life and of the principles of the party leadership.
Working on these principles, Lenin wrote that "the Party must be able to work out organisational relations that will ensure a definite level of consciousness and systematically raise this level. " (5) The strength of a Marxist party is not just in its ideological unity, but also in the unity of its members in practical activity that can only be achieved through its having a high organisational level.
Vanguard conscious detachment of the working class
Lenin was of opinion that the Communist party is a vanguard and conscious detachment of the working class. The proletariat is not homogeneous within its ranks. The proletariat consists of more conscious and less conscious layers. The Party, as a vanguard detachment of the working class, should include in its ranks the most conscious elements of the class. "We are the party of a class, and therefore almost the entire class (and in times of war, in a period of civil war, the entire class) should act under the leadership of our Party, should adhere to our Party as closely as possible. But it would be Manilovism and "tail-ism" to think that the entire class, or almost the entire class, can ever rise, under capitalism, to the level of consciousness and activity of its vanguard, of its Social-Democratic Party " (6)
The Communist Party of Greece (KKE), acting in modern conditions, not only did not distance itself from working within the ranks of the working class, but is stressing that this work is a priority for all its party organisations, both at the work place and the localities. The communists were the initiators of the unity of class trade unions and leading trade union activists of Greece – All Workers Militant Front (PAME) - that leads an uncompromising struggle both with anti-people’s governments and employers and with the forces of "class collaboration" within the trade union movement.
The 16th Congress of the KKE (2000) stressed the importance of using our party forces and placing its cadres in such a way as to concentrate them in the main and the most important front of our work – the working class movement. It also works to build party membership among progressive workers (both male and female) and to build party cells within the ranks of the working class. The importance of working specifically among women, young people and migrants was also stressed.
The 17th Congress, taking into consideration the current situation, identified the industries and spheres of the economy on which we should concentrate our attention, our organisational policy and leadership. Specifically, it was identified that:
"Political and mass action within the working class and among other wage workers, together with activity towards building working class alliances, are the duty of all Party cadres and PBO's [Party Base Organisations], no matter what general activity or economic activity is within their area of responsibility..
Our forces, and especially our cadres, should be organized for work in the working class in such a way that the following inter-related criteria are met:
The KKE remains loyal to the Leninist principle of democratic centralism
One of the principles of building a party of a new type is the Leninist principle of democratic centralism. It is important to stress the specific quality of this centralism as being democratic: all party members elect their ruling organs and control the work of these organs by defining the work they will do, by actively participating in party life, by discussing, and deciding on, all issues faced by the party . Democratic centralism organically unites centralism and democracy and turns the party into a creative collective through directing the whole party and its all members’ activities at a common goal. The essence of democratic centralism is, first of all, that the leadership over all party activities and structures comes from a single centre. Lenin pointed out that party centralisation is vitally linked to discipline within the party ranks. "Refusal to accept the direction of the central bodies is tantamount to refusing to remain in the Party, it is tantamount to disrupting the Party; it is a method of destroying, not of convincing" (8)
The present increasing aggressiveness of imperialism, imperialist wars and interventions, along with capitalist attacks on the social security system only recently created, through the blood, sweat and tears of the workers, are all clearly demonstrating the need to retain and to strengthen the Leninist organisational principles of a communist party. The Communist party of Greece remains loyal to the Leninist principle of democratic centralism that plays the role of the party’s "shield".
Experience of the counter-revolution and work in current conditions
The experience of the counter-revolution leads us to the conclusion that any weakening, or or failure to follow, the principles pertinent to the functioning of a revolutionary party of a new type, and any underestimation of the globally organized forces of the class enemy, which has very powerful weapons at its disposal, will have catastrophic consequences for the liberation struggle of the world working class and of the peoples of the planet.
The KKE , under current conditions, taking into consideration the situation on the ground within the ranks of the communist and workers’ movement, has noticed that the discussion about the role of the party and about its character and its organisational principles is sharpening.
As far as we are concerned, we are defending our views on the character of the party, both in our own country and internationally, during international meetings and activities. We are talking here about the main principles and ideas that retain their absolute correctness. And none of the changes that have occurred in the past few years can possibly justify their rejection.
We are talking here about the role and the mission of the working class, as well as the character and the role of the party. About the possibility and the necessity for a revolutionary change of capitalist society, about the main principles and laws of socialist revolution and of the dictatorship of the proletariat, about democratic centralism. In Europe, within the framework of the revisionist Euro-communist movement, the role of the working class was openly underestimated and ignored. There was even talk about some "social movements" as being the new organs of revolutionary struggle. Also widely known is the discussion that took place about the so-called "new social movements". It wasn’t about studying different spontaneous movements of the masses, even those in which young people or workers participate. This issue was raised because these so-called "new" movements (some of which were not new at all) were going through an evolution and were seen as "an alternative" to the class struggle and the role of the working class. Such discussions about "renewal" that continue in some communist parties, demonstrates a lack of respect for the fundamental principles of party work and of the nature of the proletarian party. Experience shows that a refusal to respect these principles, or their distortion, leads to distortion of the character and thus of the effectiveness of a party, becomes a factor of a deep crisis that leads to a split, disintegration or conversion to social- democracy.
Thus, the results of the recent elections in France, that demonstrated a fall in support for the PCF (French Communist Party), should not be surprising. This is the result of its strategy and tactics, of its gradual opportunistic "mutation". It started with the PCF’s denial of the role of the dictatorship of the proletariat, progressed through its pronouncements favouring "socialism with French characteristics" and ended up in its outright rejection of Leninism, of the character of a party of a new type, through its policy of "the possible" and its participation in government together with the social democratic parties, and so on.
The PCF, and some other parties that have accepted such policies, bear great
responsibility for this degeneration: the policies they have adopted don’t question
"the general line" and constantly lower the objectives of the people’s
movement to the level of "the possible", in order to stay "at
the heart of things", i.e., either participating in government or co-operating
in other ways with the social democrats, in the name of "rejecting neo-liberalism".
They are also responsible for the fact that this policy slows down the development
of people’s consciousness and militancy, undermines militancy, and allows the
forces of the capitalist 2 party system to take advantage of this situation.
Thus, the negative balance of forces goes over from the political level to the
social one, and, as a result of this, systematic attempts to manipulate and
disarm the workers movement and the whole people’s movement take place, along
with "diverting" of this movement into various "forums"
that allows them "to let off steam" thereby dispersing the radical
moods of the masses.
Despite the temporary defeat of the communist movement linked to the restoration
of capitalism in Eastern Europe, that had serious consequences for the ideological
stability of communists, new prerequisites for the radicalisation of the mind
are being constantly created in connection with the sharpening of the contradictions
and deepening of the connections between the economic and the political struggle.
The neo-liberal attack of the last few years objectively makes the large-scale
politicization of society easier, by highlighting the 2 main strategic ideas
today, both in Greek society and worldwide. The practice of the so-called "anti-neo-liberalist",
central leftist governments of different varieties has exposed them dramatically,
both in Europe and around the world.
A study of the latest mass actions in our country shows, more and more obviously,
that there are two paths of development in Greek society. And that the
the struggle against monopolies and imperialism is essential. They show the
contradiction between those forces which are interested in maintaining the capitalist
regime and those which reject the basis of capitalist society, and struggle
for its overthrow in the perspective of socialism.
Proletarian internationalism
A Marxist Leninist party of a new type, as a party of the working class, is internationalist by its very nature, is an integral part of the world’s communist movement. "Capital is an international force. To vanquish it, an international workers' alliance, an international workers' brotherhood is neededIn order to defeat it, an international union of workers, their international brotherhood is required… We are internationalists "(9), wrote Lenin.
At the same time it is obvious that, after the defeat of socialism in USSR and other Eastern European countries, the old Trotskyite argument raises its ugly head again, i.e., the claim that "the socialism cannot win in one country or even in a group of countries and that socialism will either win everywhere, or nowhere". It is also typical that in our country even the so-called "new left" (in reality – right opportunist and social democratic political forces) have adopted these views and continuously voice them, speaking about "overcoming the limits of struggle at the national level " and even of the "socialist changes in the whole of the EU simultaneously".
And here we have to remember what Marx said about these matters. In "The Communist Manifesto" he stresses that the working class first of all will have to defeat the capitalists of their own country and by doing so to help the worldwide process of building of a classless society. This is what the Manifesto says: "Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own bourgeoisie" (10). Of course, we know that Lenin has written more deeply on this subject. Especially clearly he defined the difference between the victories of socialism in one country, in several countries and the full and irreversible victory of socialism.
On the eve of the October revolution, in 1916, in his article, "The Military Program of the Proletarian Revolution", Lenin wrote : "The development of capitalism proceeds extremely unevenly in different countries. It cannot be otherwise under commodity production. From this it follows irrefutably that socialism cannot achieve victory simultaneously in all countries. It will achieve victory first in one or several countries, while the others will for some time remain bourgeois or pre-bourgeois" (11)
The conclusions of Lenin’s theory are just as valid today. Unevenness, that expresses itself, among other things, in the fact that economic crisis does not occur simultaneously in different countries, is also linked to the political destabilisation that is a product of both objective and subjective factors, such as existence of a powerful communist party and implementation of a correct strategy, along with the policy of coalitions that would allow the possibility of serious mass mobilisation. So, all the talk about "socialism" within the whole EU, requiring simultaneous ripening of all objective and subjective factors that would lead to a radical revolution within the whole EU, is nothing but more empty talk. Its only purpose is to "disarm" the workers’ movement of each country in their struggle to overturn the capitalist power in their own country. In other words, this is a call to come to terms with the capitalist system.
Those who claim that the national struggle "has been overcome" or "overtaken" and is no longer relevant, do not explain in what way the international situation will change, how exactly the current balance of power will be overcome if, as is claimed, it will not break at the weakest link being a separate country or a group of countries. Is it really possible for the national movement of any country to give up its own initiatives and to sit and wait for they day when other countries will be ripe for revolution? At the very best we are dealing here with tragic self delusion. Such a concept of "waiting" is only useful for those who do not want to take their revolutionary responsibility on a national level.
As written in our party program, "The interaction between the national and international does not refute the fact that internal contradictions and conditions play a major role in the revolutionary process. The revolutionary popular movement in each country should direct its fight toward fostering socialism, thus offering its own contribution to improving the international correlation of forces " (12)
Our position towards the Party of the European Left
That is why our party, despite being loyal to the timeless motto of Marx and Engels "Proletarians of the world, unite!" and being in favour of greater co-ordination of the work of communist parties at the international level and working out of a unified anti-imperialist strategy, nevertheless does not approve of the creation of "European parties". Especially when we are talking about parties "baked" according to some recipe concocted by the European imperialist centre.
We are openly against those communist parties who took the initiative of the creating Party of the European Left (PEL), a creation respectful of EU directives concerning the principles for the foundation of European parties, and we will openly continue our fight against them.
But that’s not the end of the story. With every passing day it becomes more and more clear that the PEL not only expresses the concrete ideological orientation of collaboration with capitalism, but also has the aim of dividing not just the workers movement, but all anti-imperialist, anti-monopolist forces. More than that, they intervene in the internal affairs of communist parties, using various means of applying pressure in order to be included as "observers". They even demand from each party that expresses the wish to join their ranks, that first it should condemn "Stalinism", and by Stalinism they mean any point of view that they do not agree with. They make enormous efforts in order to remain united and they change their positions with the speed of light where necessary in order to get recognition of the European Parliament. These are the forces that claim to be such big enemies of the European imperialist centre! In reality, they are not against European structures and institutions, their only goal is to prevent the unity of action of communist parties.
Playing our internationalist role, our party takes very seriously the current situation in the international communist movement, paying special attention to bilateral relations between parties and to international and regional conferences and meetings. In these current new conditions, the KKE pleads for co-ordination and mutual co-operation in anti-imperialist and anti-multinational activity; for mutual efforts to form alliances. But it’s obvious that this alone is not enough. The goal of the communist movement is to resolve not just the worst consequences of imperialist policies, not just what we usually call the problems of the day. All these problems, such as poverty, unemployment, war, state terrorism etc, are nothing else but obvious consequences of imperialist strategy. Capitalist restructuring is not some evil deed of reactionaries, just an internal, integral need of the capitalist system itself.
The goal of the communist parties is not just the struggle against such reactionary restructuring , but the overturning of the system of exploitation, preparing for the building of socialism. That is why we so much insist that we should find systematic ways and various forms of a dialogue between communist parties that share similar positions. The KKE attaches great importance to such initiatives, in searching for ways and means to form a clearly outlined presence of the communist movement.
The KKE supports the formation of an international front of anti-imperialist, anti-monopolist forces
A very interesting question for discussion is the position of communists towards various movements and structures currently active in the international arena, such as various social forums. We did support some of these, despite their unclear orientation, on the basis of stressing the differences in the existing currents. The fight between these different currents could have become sharp, and its result could have been to facilitate the formation of a radical anti-monopolist movement; alternatively, the collaborationist forces could have won, and the whole movement then would slowly have ceased to exist.
That is why we were so much against various spontaneous, but also well planned proposals for this movement to form a united structure, with a single ruling centre. As usually happens in such cases, among the participants there are not only popular forces, who lack experience or have not yet found their way of politicization, and who will gain their own political experience with many growing pains. From the very beginning, when this movement started gaining authority, it was obviously infiltrated by social democrats and even by the government forces, by opportunists and anti-communists who were able to take the leadership into their hands and to manipulate in their own interests this movement that lacked any clearly defined goal. From the very beginning they showed their hostility towards communist parties. They would like the workers to adapt to their ways.
We took part in many events, in several solidarity actions, in special meetings organized by the communist parties, we supported the radical forces as much as we could. But from the very beginning we refused to participate in these forums, not because there were different forces represented there, but because from the very beginning it was clear that the limits of their activities had already been determined in advance. At the top of them a struggle rages for influence. It is also perfectly clear that the governments of strong capitalist countries are very interested in using these movements in support of their demands to the USA and other imperialist centres.
These forums, especially in Europe, are dying out. If there is anything dynamic anywhere to be seen, that’s thanks not to the leaders, but to the movements that are growing in various countries in the form of resistance to the policies of their own governments and of the United States.
There is an important experience to be learned from these movements that are sinking in the quagmire of manipulation and futility. Some parties believe that it is possible to influence these movements in a positive way from within, by being active in them. Our experience, especially in Europe, shows the exact opposite. Let me give one example. Even though there have been major positive examples of influencing such movements from within through participation in them, it does not always work that way. In this case participation would mean providing legitimacy to the manipulators that run this show, that is what this participation will be used for. Plus, these political forces are being supported by multinational corporations and some governments that do not want any genuine anti-imperialist movements. If we look at the content of the Greek social forum, we can only conclude that it has no authority, it cannot provide any guarantees that those who take part in it are not political forces and trade union leaderships which have supported anti-popular measures and made it easier for all measures of capitalist reconstruction to be implemented and which are continuing to do so. These forces participate in international activity under confusing slogans, and are more concerned about their own image in this movement, and nothing else.
Movements exist and develop in many countries. New organisations and initiatives appear, the class struggle sharpens, solidarity grows. The question is not whether we should be looking for movements that have no future and are preventing dynamic development, but how to support the right initiatives, even when they have arisen only instinctively. The criterion for participation is not our agreement with everything, but our help and support in uniting forces and learning through mutual experience. It’s one thing when there any many currents in a new movement that is only making its first steps, and quite another when it happens in a movement that no longer plays such an important role. Of course, militant forces do also participate in these forums, especially in those regions where such movements are on the rise, these are fighters with the best of intentions, unlike in Europe. We think that this question should become an issue for comradely dialogue and exchange of experiences. Here help is required – in development of a numerically and organizationally powerful international front, an alliance of anti-imperialist and anti-monopolist forces. This is duty and responsibility of all communists.
The current situation requires a maximum of flexibility. But in a broad alliance of people’s forces against the attacks of imperialism, it is also necessary that communists and communist parties keep their own identity, strengthen their self-reliance and their vanguard role so as not to lose lose their own identity in one or another scheme. For the KKE these processes do not contradict each other, they add to each other.
Based on all of this, we believe it is necessary urgently to strengthen friendship, cooperation and solidarity between the communist and workers parties, as well as for them to co-ordinate their activities, because, at the end of the day, they are all interconnected, through mutual historical, ideological, political and program links.
We must strengthen mutual initiatives concerning current issues of socialism. The 90th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution is giving us a great opportunity for this.
Our party supports equality, co-operation and co-ordination between communist, workers' and other parties of the EU and Europe as a whole, in order to withstand the course of the European capital and its governments, for correlation of the current balance of forces towards peace, social progress, justice and socialism.
We consider very relevant co-ordination of the activities of the communist and workers’ parties in the development of ideological struggle against opportunistic and reformist movements that aim to undermine the radicalism of the masses.
We think that only the general line that leads towards the undermining of the basis of the capitalist system, the line of unification of the working class and petty bourgeois layers of the countryside and towns in their struggle against monopolies and imperialism, only the line that raises the question about another PEOPLE’s power (for communists that is socialism), can really put a halt to the forceful attacks of the capital. Only such general line can open the way towards Revolution, socialism, realization of the dreams of the working people.
(1) V.I.Lenin, CollectedSelected Works, Volume 43, Pp. 94 (Russian version)256, Preliminary Draft Resolution of the Tenth Congress of the R.C.P. On the Syndicalist and Anarchist Deviation in our Party, March 8 – 16, 1921
(2) V.I.Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 5, What Is To Be Done? [§ 1, d], 1901; http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1901/witbd/i.htm#v05fl61h-352-GUESS
3. (3) V.I.Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 5, What is to Be Done? [§ 2, b], 1901; http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1901/witbd/ii.htm#v05fl61h-373-GUESS
4. (4) V.I.Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 175, p.393, PA caricature of Bolshevism, . 17April 4, 1909 (Russian version)
5. (5) V.I.Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 7, One Step Forward, Two Step Backward [§ I], 1904 http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1904/onestep/i.htm#v07zz99h-255
6. (6) V.I.Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 7, One Step Forward, Two Step Backward [§ I], 1904 http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1904/onestep/i.htm#v07zz99h-255 . Manilovism (from the name ot Manilov in Gogol’s Dead Souls): smug complacency, empty sentimental day-dreaming
(7) Documents from the 17th Congress of KKE, - Theses of Central Committee of KKE, n°21, 2005 http://inter.kke.gr/Documents/17cong/thesis17cong/task-theses-17congr/
(8) V.I.Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 7 One Step Forward, Two Step Backward [§ O], 1904; http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1904/onestep/o.htm
(9) V.I.Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 430, Pp.. 43 (Russian version) 293, Letter to the Workers and Peasants of the Ukraine. A propos of the Victories over Denikin, December 28, 1919
(10) K.Marx and F.Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party [§1 Bourgeois and Proletarians]; http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html
(11) V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 23, The Military Program of the Proletarian Revolution, [§1], September 1916; http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1916/miliprog/index.htm
(12) Program of KKE, http://inter.kke.gr/Documents/docprogr/docprogr5/
(*) Member of the Central Committee and of the International Department, KKE