Contribution to the 13th International
Communist Seminar
Brussels, 2-4 May 2004
www.icsbrussels.org , ics[at]icsbrussels.org
CPI (ML) Red Flag
India
A. US imperialism today: Its fundamental orientation towards militarization, war and fascism
The invasion and colonisation of Iraq by US-UK imperialist axis, the brutal high-tech aggression savaging the country, the naked show of force exhibited in Iraqi streets and villages oppressing and bullying the people and Bush’s barbarous doctrines of new war and New World Order threatening to extend the occupation of Iraq to Syria, Iran, North Korea, Cuba or to any other country as continuation of the war against Yugoslavia, 1999, and the War on Afghanistan, 2001, imposing US hegemony everywhere and in all fields, turning 21st century in to that of Pax Americana, are measures to extend imperialist globalisation to military sphere, to wars of aggression, for overcoming the new world economic crisis that has broken out at the fag end of the last millennium.
Analysing the situation of 1930s, Comintern had explained that "the most profound economic crisis in the history of capitalism" and the relations of class forces changing on world scale more and more against imperialist forces led to the ruling bourgeoisie increasingly seeking salvation in fascism representing the most reactionary sections among them. If Hitlerite fascism represented the interests of finance capital, the big industrial concerns and extreme right wing of political, state and military forces, today Bush administration represents the most aggressive US finance capital which gained enormous wealth and influence during the stock market boom of 1980s and 1990s, together with the neo-conservative forces utilising even the gospels to provide a fundamentalist veneer to their aggressive designs. US imperialism has dwarfed Hitlerite fascism during the post-World War II decades by staining itself with the blood of the people of Japan, Korea, Vietnam, Balkan countries, Af ghanistan, Iraq and numerous other countries and has spent hundreds of billions in its barbarous military moves. Through its militarist policy for imposing hegemony over the world it is acting as a super terrorist and as a fascist like state. According to the Project for the New American Century (PNAC) it proposes to reposition permanently based forces in Southern Europe, Southeast Asia and the Middle East, to further modernize US forces, to develop and deploy Global Defence System (GDS) and to develop strategic dominance over space, further enhancing the defence spending.
According to the National Security Strategy of the USA announced by Bush in September 2002, US imperialism claims the right of pre-emptive strikes using chemical, biological and nuclear weapons. "The US national security strategy will be based on a distinctly American internationalism that reflects the union of our values and our national interests... we will not hesitate to act alone, if necessary, to exercise our right of self defence by acting pre-emptively against such terrorists." It is going ahead with the National Missile Defence (NMD) system. It retains huge numbers of strategic nuclear warheads with its armed forces and much more as reserve nuclear warheads. It claims the right to intervene in any country in the world: "Our forces will be strong enough to dissuade potential adversaries from pursuing a military build-up in the hopes of surpassing or equalling the power of the US." As part of these hegemonic moves it has established scores of military bases in all continents and are trying to create more. In fact, the September 11, 2001 attack served as a pretext for openly resorting to putting in to practice military plans which were being prepared for years. Bush administration has threatened the countries around the world with two options: be on the side of, and serve US hegemonism, or, get classified as a terrorist or as a sympathiser of terrorism. US imperialism tries to terrorise the whole world in to submission.
The US imperialism has resorted to militarisation and wars more feverishly than ever as the imperialist system is confronted with a world economic crisis of unprecedented magnitude from the fag end of the last millennium. The revenues of Fortune 500 companies sharply dropped from the beginning of this millennium. All basic and capital goods sales were hit hard. The over production crisis along with international structural crisis led to unprecedented destruction of productive forces and jobs. Repeated stock exchange crises also followed.
In the stock exchange crises from March 2000 to October 2002, the NASDAQ plunged 75.7%, the DAX 66.8%, the TOPIX 62.7% and the Dow Jones by 33.3%. The loss of income, as a result, in US alone was $ 172.50b. While this led to an international banking crisis with rapid world wide increase in insolvency proceedings, unprecedented business collapses and state bankruptcies happened as in Argentina and elsewhere. The banking crisis further worsened the stock exchange crisis in turn. War and increased military spending on the one hand and plunder of Iraqi oil and economic activity connected with the reconstruction of bombed out cities on the other, were the only way to salvage the crisis-ridden economy. Iraqi conquest has further whetted the appetite of US war machine. Now it may be extended to other countries, for unbridled US domination.
B. Intensification of global contradictions
The US occupation of Iraq and its hegemonic plans along with the fall out of the world economic crisis with its burden dumped over the world proletariat and oppressed nations and peoples have intensified all the major contradictions at international level. The neo-liberal globalisation policies were introduced in the Afro-Asian-Latin American countries with the promise of free competition and of free development of economic forces. But what it really led to was liquidation of any form of competition from these oppressed countries and integration of their economies fully with the global imperialist economy with free flow of speculative capital and MNCs, along with their subjugation to market forces. The massive penetration of MNCs in to these countries with the tenfold increase in their investments in the 1990s has triggered a structural crisis leading to devastation of the native productive forces, massive cut in jobs, unemployment and pauperisation of the masses. Whatever sovereignty existed is systematically destroyed. Hard won democratic and trade union rights are snatched away. 1MF-WB-WTO trio is accelerating the neocolonisation of these countries through imperialist globalisation. With the occupation of Iraq these countries are being threatened with invasion if they do not totally submit to US hegemonism. As a result the contradiction between imperialism led by US imperialism on the one hand and oppressed nations and peoples on the other has further intensified. It is getting manifested in numerous ways.
The impetus to production from introduction of most advanced forms of technological innovations, robotics, information technology, genetic engineering, developments in telecommunication field etc. have only unprecedentedly intensified the basic contradiction in the capitalist imperialist system, between socialisation of production and private ownership of means of production. Fruits of technological development are expropriated by the monopolies. As technological development leads to phenomenal increase in productivity, instead of cutting down working hours and ensuring jobs for more, working hours are increased leading to tens of millions becoming jobless. Besides all social welfare measures are also taken away. As production centres are shifted to the undeveloped countries in order to plunder the cheap labour available there, the workers in the developed countries face massive job cuts. Thus the contradiction between the working class and bourgeoisie in the imperialist countries is intensifying day by day. This has led to increasing politicisation and participation of the working class in the anti-globalisation, anti-war movements.
Against the invasion and occupation of Iraq by US-UK axis the working class and oppressed peoples massively participated in the anti-war movement. This has provided a new dimension to the anti-globalisation struggles developing around the world and taking global character from Seattle onwards. The ever-intensifying anti-globalisation, anti-war movements are taking anti-imperialist character. The overthrow of the imperialist system and realising socialist alternative have once again become the immediate agenda before the working class and the oppressed people. The socialist forces along with the working class and the oppressed peoples have started challenging the imperialist system presently led by US imperialism. It is this contradiction, which is going to determine the course of history in coming days.
C. Are there qualitative and quantitative difference in inter-imperialist contradictions?
The US-UK preparations to launch aggression against Iraq had brought out the sharp conflict of interests between US and other imperialist powers. Though they have voted in the Security Council after occupation of Iraq by US to allow it to continue the occupation, the differences are not yet reconciled. The European Union (EU), Japan, and emerging ASEAN economic giant including China are posing challenges to the US. Euro is threatening the supremacy of dollar. As US intensifies its hegemonic moves the contradiction among the imperialist forces and among the monopoly houses are bound to get further sharpened.
This inter-imperialist contradiction which is mainly manifested presently as the contradiction between US imperialism along with its closest allies like UK and Israel on the one hand and all other imperialist forces grouped in EU, Japan and others on the other hand is taking newer and newer quantitative and qualitative forms as a result of the consequences of ever-intensifying crisis faced by the imperialist system and due to imperialist globalisation policies. While all these imperialist forces are colluding for plunder and neo-colonisation of all the dependent and oppressed countries, the contention among them is sharpening in the form of trade wars etc. As the imperialist crisis is bound to deepen further and as the US drive for world hegemony is speeded up, it is certain that the inter-imperialist contradictions shall also further intensify.
In this context the following analysis made in the General Resolution of the 2003 Seminar entitled "Workers and Peoples of the World, Let Us Unite Against the Number One Enemy: US Hegemonism" is in the main correct: "With Bush Jr., Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz and Armitage, the most reactionary, repressive, expansionist and bellicose section of the US bourgeoisie has taken power. The US has resumed its march on the road of fascism and aggression on a world scale, as it did in 1948-53.
"The German bourgeoisie resorted to fascism in order to smash the powerful communist and revolutionary movement, to conquer the Soviet Union and to fight stronger imperialist rivals like Great Britain, France and the United States. Today, the United States is the sole hegemonic superpower, with their armed forces present all over the world. Bush is establishing a US-style fascism to reinforce his already established world hegemony and to fight militarily any potential rival on any continent.
"In the field of domestic policy, Bush is attacking all democratic rights that could hamper his world-scale war policy. In the United States, for the first time in history, a special ministry centralises all aspects of "internal defence", that is to say the entire apparatus of repression. The Homeland Security Office will have 170,000 employees and a budget of 37 billion dollar. Its employees won’t have any trade union rights...
"Bush has resolutely opted for a world-scale war policy to save US imperialism from its severe crisis. Paul Wolfowitz, currently Assistant Secretary of Defence, wrote in 1992 already, just after the counter-revolution in Soviet Union: "The United States will use its unrivalled military power to manage the global order, if necessary unilaterally and pre-emptively. (…) Our first objective is to prevent the re-emergence of a new rival. This is a dominant consideration underlying the new regional defence strategy and requires that we endeavour to prevent any hostile power from dominating a region whose resources would, under consolidated control, be sufficient to generate global power. These regions include Western Europe, East Asia, the territory of the former Soviet Union and Southwest Asia."
"Thus one can say that US imperialism is preparing a new war on a world scale, for which it has already clearly indicated the targets. The US want to introduce, in one way or another, its armed forces in about a hundred countries, under the pretext of "fighting terrorism", but in reality to make the necessary preparations for the third world war. Bush declared on June 1, 2002 at the military academy of West Point: "Our security will require a military that must be ready to strike at a moment’s notice in any dark corner of the world. And our security will require all Americans to be forward-looking and resolute, to be ready for pre-emptive action when necessary to defend our liberty and to defend our lives….. We must uncover terror cells in 60 or more countries"
This is certainly a critical situation. It should be correctly comprehended in order to work out strategy and tactics to combat this challenge. But to extend this analysis to evaluate that a Third World War is imminent will be nothing short of an alarmist stand. It also reflects a Euro-centric approach. Such an analysis during early 1970s by the CPC when US launched aggression against Kampuchea extending the aggression against Vietnam to nearby countries also led to further strengthening of the sectarian positions that had emerged under the influence of the incorrect evaluation of world situation by the Ninth Congress of the CPC in 1969. With in a short time when this sectarian line collapsed the rightists took over compromising with US imperialism, leading to degeneration of China to capitalist path and grievous consequences to the international communist movement (ICM). We are of the view that while the growing danger posed by US imperialism should be correctly evaluated and strategy and tactics to combat it should be developed by the world proletarian forces, we should be extremely careful against taking any alarmist or subjective positions.
D. On the People’s Republic of China as strategic rival and main target of US imperialism.
Analysing PRC as strategic rival and target of US imperialism is based on the basically erroneous evaluation of present China as a socialist country. It is a degenerated socialist country, which has embraced capitalist path under ‘market socialism’ banner. In its latest changes to the Constitution it has formalised private ownership of property also. Its equation with the US has acquired strategic dimensions as symbolised by the February 12 visit of US Navy’s Seventh Fleet to Shanghai. It supported the US-sponsored Security Council Resolution in November 2002 as well as the one after the occupation of Iraq. In the contradiction between imperialism and oppressed nations it is on the side of the imperialist camp. Its contention with US imperialism is similar to the contradiction of any other imperialist country with US. Failure to recognise China’s degeneration to capitalist path will lead to many erroneous conclusions like assessing an intensification of conflict between US and China and even to the evaluation that a Third World War is imminent with ‘Socialist’ China as the main target of US imperialism. It will once again lead to grievous consequences.
It is a fact that Cuba and DPRK are facing threats from US imperialism. But along with them countries like Iran, Syria, etc. are also targeted for ‘pre-emptive’ strikes. Just because they are facing US threat they cannot be called socialist countries. Calling Cuba and DPRK like China as socialist and to evolve the general line of the ICM with the perspective of defending these countries against imperialist aggression will be a grave mistake on two counts. First, they are not socialist countries any more, and second, even if they are socialist countries evolving the general line of the ICM or the strategy and tactics of the ICM for the contemporary period evaluating that an imperialist aggression against them is imminent shall lead to an over estimation of the present contradictions and to more grave mistakes than what happened during the Second World War.
E. On present struggle against US hegemonism.
In order to evolve a Marxist-Leninist approach towards combating the grave challenge posed by US imperialism before world proletariat, and oppressed nations and peoples, we should start from concrete analysis of the concrete situation. While doing so, we are of the view that any evaluation that the inter-imperialist contradictions or US imperialism’s contradiction with China has reached the level of immediately posing the danger of a Third World War will be an alarmist position, while we do not rule out such possibilities if the global contradiction continues to intensify.
An analysis of the post-World War II situation shows that recognising the danger to their own ruling system from the First and Second World Wars including the emergence of a powerful socialist bloc, US imperialism leading the imperialist camp had taken initiative to build numerous organisational safeguards in political, economic and military fields to unite imperialist forces against the danger posed by socialist offensive, and to keep the ‘newly independent’ countries under imperialist domination. They included IMF, World Bank, OECD, NATO and numerous other institutions and agencies capped by regular meetings of G-7 to resolve any aberrations in the inter-imperialist relations. Besides, unlike the pre-WWII scenario, no imperialist force, even EU or Japan, has emerged as a military competitor for US imperialism. The grave setback suffered by the ICM with the degeneration of all socialist countries to capitalist path including the disintegration of Soviet Union is also an important factor which helps the imperialist super power, US, to combat any challenges to imperialist system through neo-colonial domination in all fields and local wars of aggression, rather than resorting to another World War in present context.
The General Resolution of the 12th ICS: "Workers and Peoples of the World, Let Us Unite Against the Number One Enemy: US Hegemonism" contained the argument that "let us fight US preparations for a Third World War" and "let us mobilise against US threat of launching a nuclear war". As we could not participate in the 12th ICS and present our views, in order to develop a serious study and debate of the Resolution we had published it fully in our journal, Red Star (July 2003 issue). We are of the view that while the analysis of the gravity of the challenges posed before the world proletariat, and oppressed nations and peoples in the General Resolution was in the main correct, especially in the context of the US-UK aggression and occupation of Iraq, the conclusions arrived at in it are alarmist. If they are not corrected, they will lead the ICM astray from the path of finding answers to its setbacks and evolving a Marxist-Leninist General Line to help the world proletariat and oppressed peoples to carry forward their struggles to overthrow imperialist system and usher in a socialist world.
We are of the view that, with regard to war and revolution Mao Tsetung’s evaluation that in this era of imperialism and proletarian revolution either revolution will prevent war or war will create revolutions is still valid. He added: in both cases revolution is still the main trend. Our task is to strengthen our forces worldwide, combat the challenges from US-led imperialist forces and create conditions for revolutionary upsurges everywhere.
F. Task before the Communist forces
a. Combat diversionary movements
When US wars of aggression and occupation of countries like Iraq, and devastating consequences of globalisation along with fascist threats are increasingly challenged by the world proletariat and the oppressed nations and peoples giving rise to people’s upsurges, and when once again socialism is back in the agenda of people’s movements, reformist platforms like World Social Forum (WSF) are coming up as a "forum of global civil society" by the New Social Movements (NSMs) and NGOs to divert people to reformist illusions. While WSF emphasise on a civil society led by ‘new movements’ composed of VOs/NGOs, civil and community based organisations at local, national and global levels, its antipathy towards political parties and "statist" politics is clear. Such forums are diversionary and are seeking alternatives within the ruling system.
A corollary of WSF’s post-modern and post-Marxist perspective on civil society is its sectarian approach towards political parties and political movements in general. While, on the one hand, it asserts: "World Social Forum will always be a forum open to pluralism and to the diversity of activities and ways of engaging of the organisations and movements that decide to participate in it", on the other, it says: "…neither party representations nor military organisations shall participate in the Forum". Thus, WSF not only prohibits the entry of political parties in its "events" but also, very revealingly, places them in the category of military organisations. It is very obvious that this highly sectarian and illiberal and hence truly neoliberal position is not at all new nor an isolated one; on the contrary it has been a time-tested escapist attitude systematically pursued by the ruling classes and political reactionaries and recently by the neoliberal Right to keep aloof the wo
rking class and its party from the mainstream discussions. As a matter of fact, anti-communist theoreticians who have long been ardent proponents of a "non-party process" in their vision of a "people’s alternative" led by what they call "motivated middle class professionals", and who now share common platforms with WSF "events" also share more or less identical views. To be precise, WSF’s hatred towards political parties, its affinity towards "pluralism" and "multiculturalism" including its link with NSMs, its distaste of class movements, etc. are all have deeper ideological ramifications whose roots lay deep in the post-Marxist prognosis on the decline or disappearance of working class as a revolutionary force and the ascendancy of NSMs and NGOs as the "new revolutionary subject of history" – an aspect that may be traced to the origins of the so called "critical theory" of Frankfurt School itself.
The WSF charter is eloquent in its opposition to "all totalitarian and reductionist views of economy, development and history and the use of violence as a means of social control by State". As is obvious the terminologies "totalitarian", "reductionism" and "Statism" are part of the usual mudslinging carried out by imperialist think tanks and postmodernists against the class approach upheld by the communist party. The WSF is simply parroting this malicious slander. According to WSF theoreticians who are trained in imperialist research institutions, the Marxist emphasis on class itself is reductionism as, in their perspective, classes are being replaced by fragmented and diversified cultural identities of gender, race, sexual preference, etc. In fact, Marxism has never denied the importance of these identities in social life but only emphasised the wider and broader social system that generates them. Thus a systematic confrontation with the ideological underpinnings of WSF, NGO's, and such other diversionary efforts is essential to lead the anti-imperialist, anti-globalisation and anti-war movements coming up around the world with a revolutionary perspective.
The struggle against the alien trends can be successfully waged only when it is extended to an uncompromising struggle against all manifestations of social democracy on the one hand and sectarianism on the other. Sectarianism preaches a theory of easy victory, abandon mass line and alienate the revolutionary movement from the broad masses of people. Instead of preparing the working class and the broad masses to become "the creators of history", instead of making the revolution a "festival of the masses", it reduces revolution to the heroics of few armed bands cut away from the masses; to something subjective, determined by arms, military might and by strategy and tactics of war alone; to something alienated from the working class organisations and organised mass movements.
In the present world situation, when ICM has suffered severe setbacks, when the organised strength of the Marxist-Leninist forces is very small or they do not exist as an organised force in many countries, many revolutionary sections nurture the illusion that imperialism and its lackeys can be combated by aligning with social democratic forces. The conclusions of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern expose the absurdity of such a line. Post-Comintern development has proved the correctness of these conclusions repeatedly. Developing the ideological-political line and the General Line of the ICM is possible only by uncompromisingly struggling against social democracy. It is possible only by pursuing an independent revolutionary initiative. As Comintern explained: " the communist parties, communists, must increase their vigilance in guarding against the danger of right opportunism, and must carry on a determined struggle against all its concrete manifestations……….Every Communist party should wage an irreconcilable struggle against any tendencies to gloss over the differences in principle between Communism and reformism, against weakening the criticism of social democracy as the ideology and practice of (class) collaboration with the bourgeoisie…". This struggle against social democracy is all the more important today when on the one hand it has become the advocates of market socialism implementing the neo-liberal policies and integrating itself with the imperialist system. On the other hand, embracing post-Marxism, post-modernism like ideologies it has become part of the diversionary moves like WSF.
b. Take lessons from intensifying anti-imperialist movements
Presently as the mighty anti-war movement is getting strengthened across the continents, even the monopoly media is compelled to admit that the US super power led imperialist forces are challenged by the mighty anti-war mobilisation of the working class, oppressed peoples and all democratic forces. The occupation of Iraq has led to massive people’s protest and armed resistance there against colonisation by US forces. Resistance fighters have started targeting the US troops reminding the Vietnamese struggle. Along with this, once again the anti-globalisation movements have started gaining further strength with massive mobilisations against the G-8 Summit and the Cancun ministerial meet of the WTO.
Once again the working class and oppressed people of the world are on the move against imperialist globalisation and military aggressions. From Seattle onwards the anti-globalisation movement has attained international character. The aggression by US-UK axis on Iraq witnessed massive mobilisation of people across the continents in the anti-war movement. With the protest movements gaining strength day by day against the Cancun ministerial meet of WTO, the anti-globalisation movement along with solidarity to the resistance struggle of Iraqi and other peoples occupied and oppressed by imperialism, especially US imperialism is attracting more and more sections to its ranks.
These developments substantiate the analysis of the then international situation put forward in the 1997 International Document of CPI (ML) Red Flag which stated: "the broadest possible unity at international level in fighting against the world imperialist system is needed today. To lead this struggle forward consciously in order to wipe out the imperialist system as a whole and to realise worldwide victory of socialist revolution, a correct ideological political line and polarisation around it are basic pre-conditions. For arriving at this Marxist-Leninist ideological political line, healthy ideological struggle at international level should be developed.
"Considering the absence of an international forum for more than five decades and the gravity of challenges faced by the international communist movement both at theoretical and political levels, no hasty efforts should be made to form an international organisation immediately. At the same time in continuation of the efforts initiated by the Marxist-Leninist parties and organisations from the late 1970s all attempts should be made to develop fraternal relations at international level leading towards the formation of a platform of the Marxist-Leninist parties and organisations to begin with".
This proposal is all the more relevant and urgent in the present world situation when the world proletariat and the oppressed peoples are on the move and they need revolutionary orientation and leadership to create a world without imperialism with socialism as the only alternative.
c. Develop the General Line of the International Communist Movement
Developing a correct ideological political line in the concrete conditions of contemporary world, developing the General Line of the ICM accordingly, and polarisation of the struggling classes and sections around it calls for uncompromising struggle against all alien trends, against all manifestations of revisionism and sectarianism, which Lenin called two sides of the same coin. From Khrushchevite revisionism to Deng’s "black cat white cat" theory to Jiang Zemin’s Three Represents, the underlying feature of all revisionist lines is their subservience to theories of the omnipotence of the market and capital, to market fetishism, all under the banner of socialism. All of them advocate ‘market socialism’ as the capitalist-roaders in China presently do. Lenin explained revisionism as nothing but bourgeois thought in command under the garb of socialism. By pursuing revisionist path all of these trends inevitably degenerate to social democracy. Starting as apologists of colonialism and neo-colonialism, and as apologists of ruling class politics, they become part of the imperialist camp and ruling class politics.
While explaining how to develop the General Line of the ICM, the CPC had pointed out in its 1963 Proposals: " The general line of the international communist movement should reflect the general law of the development of world history. The revolutionary struggle of the proletariat and the people in various countries go through different stages and they all have their different characteristics, but they will not transcend the general law of development of world history. The general line should point out the basic direction for the revolutionary struggles of the proletariat and people of all countries. While working out its specific line and policies, it is most important for each Communist or Workers party to adhere to the principle of integrating the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of revolution and construction in its own country."
In line with the teachings of Comintern, analysis of Cominform and the Declaration and Statement of the 1957 and 1960 Moscow meetings of the Communist Parties, the CPC had summarised the General Line of the International Communist Movement as follows in its 1963 Proposals: " Workers of all countries, unite; workers of the world, unite with the oppressed people and oppressed nations; oppose imperialism and reaction in all countries; strive for world peace, national liberation, people’s democracy and socialism; consolidate and expand the socialist camp; bring the proletarian world revolution step by step to complete victory; and establish a new world without imperialism, without capitalism and without exploitation of man by man. This general line proceeds from the actual world situation taken as a whole and from a class analysis of the fundamental contradictions in the contemporary world, and is directed against the counter-revolutionary strategy of US imperialism.
"This general line is one of forming a broad united front, with the socialist camp and the international proletariat as its nucleus, to oppose the imperialists and reactionaries headed by the United States; it is a line of boldly arousing the masses, expanding the revolutionary forces, winning over the middle forces and isolating the reactionary forces.
"This general line is one of resolute revolutionary struggle by the people of all countries and of carrying the proletarian world revolution forward to the end; it is the line that most effectively combats imperialism and defends world peace."
Though all the countries constituting the then socialist camp have deviated to capitalist path inflicting a severe set back to the ICM, the socialist forces across the world are still active and more and more people are rallying around the slogan, "Socialism is the only alternative." Thus, in spite of tumultuous developments during the last four decades, this General Line of ICM put forward by the CPC in 1963 is still basically correct and constitute the basis on which the General Line should be further developed according to concrete conditions of the contemporary world. At the same time the reasons why the Comintern was dissolved in 1943 and the limitations of post-World War II positions of the ICM in evaluating the new tactics adopted by imperialism led by US imperialism initiating neo-colonisation call for serious study. It is all the more important since all the deviations in the ICM from Kruschovite revisionism onwards were basically linked to the wrong evaluation of post-War imperialism. The formation of a platform of Marxist-Leninist parties and organisations fighting against social democracy, sectarianism and all other alien trends shall create favourable conditions for taking up the task of this crucial evaluation, summing up the hitherto experience of the ICM and developing this general line through a healthy ideological struggle.
d. Immediate tasks
The unprecedented intensification of all major contradictions, the contradiction between the socialist forces and imperialism, the contradiction between the proletariat and bourgeoisie in the imperialist countries, the contradiction between the oppressed nations and peoples on the one hand and imperialism on the other, and the contradiction among the imperialist forces and among the monopoly capitalist groups have given rise to mighty upsurges of people in different countries as recently seen in Argentina and Bolivia and at global level challenging the imperialist system led by US imperialism. These struggles of the world proletariat, oppressed nations and peoples are bound to intensify in coming days. The immediate task before the communist forces around the world is to get organised and become capable of providing revolutionary leadership to these movements.
Till the late 1970s many of the communist forces were sceptical about building up the Marxist-Leninist movement at the international level under the influence of erroneous lines or as a reaction to the absence of any international forum for long. But the picture has changed now. Even many of the former violent critics of any international efforts are now active participants in international conferences and seminars. It is a positive development. Multilateral exchanges of views and bilateral discussions are taking place. All these reflect the growing awareness among the communist forces for reorganising the Communist International through a step-by-step process. When imperialist forces are intensifying there own globalisation through neo-liberal policies, the task of bringing together the communist forces based on proletarian internationalism has become more important.
There is an urgent need to build an international anti-imperialist front uniting the working class, the oppressed peoples and all democratic forces in the broadest possible manner. The US imperialist onslaughts including occupation of Iraq, suppression of Palestinian and other peoples and intensification of imperialist globalisation devastating the countries and pauperising the masses can be combated only by building such a broad front. And the alien trends like social democracy and sectarianism along with diversionary moves like WSF need to be combated. All these tasks can be fulfilled if the communist forces are coming forward utilising the present favourable objective conditions in which world proletariat and oppressed peoples are participating in unprecedented manner in the anti-globalisation, anti-war movements.
G. Conclusions
We are of the view that the General Resolution of the ICS should be drafted based on concrete analysis of present global situation when the world proletariat and oppressed peoples are engaged in numerous struggles to combat the growing challenge from US-led imperialist forces and their lackeys. All the aberrations and alarmist positions suggesting the imminent danger of a Third World War in the General Resolution of 12th ICS should be corrected. While the danger of war persists and may intensify in coming days, and it is inevitable so long as the imperialist system continues to dominate the world, revolution is still the main trend.
In the main the analysis of the main task before the communist forces made in the General Resolution of 12th ICS is correct. It reads: "Currently, our main task is to work for the unity of all communists, on the scale of each country and on an international scale. In order to achieve this, Lenin teaches us that a principled struggle must be waged against revisionism and Right opportunism, against unity outside of the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism. Lenin also teaches us that a principled struggle must be waged against Left opportunism and sectarianism, against the maintenance of divisions between communist groups in the absence of fundamental antagonisms.
"Differences, even serious ones, can exist inside the unified communist party of a given country. Communists dispose of weapons to resolve differences and that have been tried and tested, such as democratic centralism, communist discipline, criticism and self-criticism, the mass line, the participation in revolutionary struggles and the summing up of experiences. Our second task is to establish the broadest possible alliance between the communist forces and all anti-war and anti-imperialist forces, in each country and internationally."
But the struggle against revisionism and right opportunism remains confined to mere words, if it is not extended to recognising the degeneration of China to capitalist path and the deviation of DPRK, Vietnam, Cuba like countries from the path of socialist construction and proletarian internationalism. This struggle should be extended to the uncompromising struggle against all manifestations of social democracy and revisionism.
Similarly the struggle against left opportunism and sectarianism also should not be confined to mere words. This trend is still rampant in many countries. In the name of concrete conditions of some countries, sectarian forces there are justified. Uncompromising struggle against this anarchist, opportunist trend also should be waged to help the polarisation of the genuine communist forces who practice "democratic centralism, communist discipline, criticism and self-criticism, the mass line, the participation in revolutionary struggles and the summing up of experiences". We are of the view that this approach is not reflected in organising the ICS itself. Assemblies of social democrats and sectarians along with the Marxist-Leninist forces shall not help polarisation of Marxist-Leninist forces with the aim of reorganising the Communist International.
Communists while fighting against "the tiger coming inside from the front door should guard against the leopard coming from behind also". There was a period when under the influence of ‘Three World Theory’, in the name of fighting against Soviet social imperialism many Marxist-Leninist forces, mechanically following the Chinese leadership, had compromised with the US imperialism. So "concentrating their blows on the main enemy in order to defeat the strongest, most dangerous and most bellicose imperialism" alone is not sufficient. The main enemy is the imperialist system itself. Only by overthrowing the imperialist system itself a world without war, a world of socialist transformation can be created.
It is in this context we should take lesson from what happened during the Second World War. While building broadest possible united front, mobilising all the forces to defeat Hitlerite fascism was necessary, whether this struggle was linked with the principal task in this era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, the task of overthrowing the imperialist system itself calls for serious evaluation. Whether defence of socialist fatherland got precedence over everything else, including the principal task of this era also calls for serious evaluation. The dissolution of the Communist International in 1943 also should be evaluated in this context. The ideological confusions emerged went to the extent of the emergence of liquidationist tendencies like that of Browder’s, and to communist parties suspending anti-imperialist independence struggle of their own countries and getting isolated from people as in the case of India.
We are of the view that at the international seminars and conferences, the Communist parties should exchange experiences and put forward their analysis of the contemporary situation and the approach for evolving the General Line of the ICM based on the concrete evaluation of past experiences and continuing uncompromising struggle against all manifestations of social democracy and revisionism on the one hand, and left opportunism and sectarianism on the other hand. In this way conditions for unity of Marxist-Leninist forces at international level and formation of an international platform of such forces as the first step towards the rebuilding of Communist International should be created. We are of the view that gatherings like the ICS should strive for this.
Such a platform can, while deepening the ideological struggle and developing the General Line of the ICM, become the rallying point of the anti-imperialist movements around the world. The building up of a broad anti-imperialist front at global level is possible only when such a platform can serve as its core.
The General Resolution should reflect the concrete analysis of contemporary world situation, the highest possible level of ideological clarity that can be arrived at and the organisational needs before the Communists at international level.
Workers of the world, unite!
Workers and oppressed peoples of the world, unite!
Overthrow imperialism and its lackeys!
Make 21st century one of worldwide victory of proletarian socialist revolution!