Imperialist globalization and the world revolutionary process

General resolution

International Communist Seminar, Brussels, 4 May 2001

According to the academic ideologues of the Western world, globalization is a natural and inevitable process, which carries enormous possibilities for the development of all countries in the world but at the same time poses serious challenges. As history has proved that an economy based on private enterprise and the market performs best, all countries are obliged to accept the free market at home as an integral part of the global free market, as well as the privatizations, liberalizations and deregulations that form its basis.

A look at the reality of today’s world and at the history of the last century and a half shows that the current globalization is not a new phenomenon. Already in the Manifesto of the Communist Party in 1848 Marx wrote: "The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. (…) The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization." This tendency is entirely confirmed with the passage of liberal capitalism to monopoly capitalism and the arrival of the era of imperialism. The current globalization means a deepening and broadening of all contradictions that have marked imperialism since its inception in the beginning of the 20^th century.

In the period 1900-1910, monopoly capitalism was dominant in Great Britain, France, Germany, the USA, Belgium and Holland, and partially in Russia. In order to escape from the economic crises that shook these countries, they all engaged in colonial politics. No corner of the globe escaped the voracity of the imperialist powers. Imperialist globalization was born with the colonial conquest. The crises of overproduction pushed certain imperialist countries to demand a "more reasonable" part of the colonies, thus signalling the First World War, which would cost the lives of 10,000,000 people. Humanity had never known such barbarian and generalized violence.

The working class is the most revolutionary class in the history of mankind. It has the historic mission of delivering the world from the exploitation of man by man by overthrowing the bourgeoisie, the last exploiting class in the history of mankind, but also the most ferocious. But it was only in Russia that the working class, with the poor peasants as its ally, deployed sufficient revolutionary energy to crush the armed forces of the Russian bourgeoisie and of the nine imperialist countries that intervened militarily in Russia.

Imperialist globalization intensified in the course of the 1920s and 30s. It was characterized by the consistent hostility of all imperialist powers towards the one and only socialist country in the world, by the extension and intensification of colonization and the submission of the semi-colonial countries, and by a growing rivalry between the imperialist powers to get hold of the markets and the raw materials of the whole world. The world crisis of 1929 was a crisis of overproduction linked to a financial collapse. The big capitalist countries tried to get away from it by means of a Keynesian policy of public works and large weapons programs.

All this resulted in the Second World War, in the course of which 50,000,000 people became victims of the barbarity of this criminal system called imperialism. In the course of the antifascist war, 23 million Soviet people sacrificed their lives to save the USSR and the whole world from fascism. In the countries of Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union helped significantly to see the antifascist revolution triumph, the latter being transformed into a socialist revolution. In the course of the Second World War, the Chinese and Korean people intensified their war of national liberation against fascist occupation and its collaborators. Upon the latter’s defeat, they turned their weapons against US imperialism and its local puppets and obtained victory in the anti-imperialist and democratic revolution, which, under the leadership of the Communist Party, was transformed in a socialist revolution. These victories gave an important impetus to the anticolonial revolutionary movements in Asia and Africa, which in most colonies triumphed in the course of the 1950s and 60s.

US imperialism enriched itself at the start of the Second World War by selling to both "democratic" and fascist countries. The US entered the war in Europe very late, with the fundamental aim of avoiding the victory of the socialist revolution in France, Italy and Germany, which were advancing thanks to the joint efforts of the armed popular masses and the Red Army. During the war, General Patton proposed changing alliances and marching on Moscow with divisions of the Hitlerite army… The US exterminated the population of Hiroshima and Nagasaki without any military justification: it was a warning to the Soviet Union and the start of the "Cold War".

US imperialism, taking off directly from the Hitlerite politics of all-out war against socialism, launched a war of aggression against Korea, as the forerunner of war against China and eventually against the Soviet Union. But imperialism was defeated in Korea, where it was confronted with the heroic resistance of the Korean people, helped by volunteers and supported by all socialist countries and by a world movement of all forces defending peace and independence.

In the course of the 1950s, imperialism, led by US imperialism, was seriously shaken by the passage of one third of humanity to the socialist system, the rise of the anticolonial and anti-imperialist revolutions in the Third World and the development of workers’ and people’s struggles in the capitalist countries themselves.

Imperialism has been able to temporarily get out of this mortal dilemma essentially because of the development of opportunism within the three main revolutionary trends that have marked our times: the movement for the building of socialism in the countries liberated from capitalist exploitation, the movement for political and economic independence in the dominated countries, and the revolutionary workers’ movement in the imperialist countries.

In the Soviet Union, the coming to power of revisionism with Krushchev marked a radical rupture with the revolutionary politics followed by Lenin and Stalin. All Marxist-Leninist principles were liquidated one after the other. The revisionists declared that the final triumph of socialism had been obtained, that the restoration of capitalism had become impossible, that the class struggle in the Soviet Union had ceased and that, consequently, the proletarian dictatorship against the bourgeoisie and against bourgeois elements was no longer necessary. Revolutionary education was at first largely emptied of its contents and finally completely abandoned. Bourgeois ideas and attitudes got installed among Party and State leaders. Principles of capitalist economics were progressively introduced, starting with the re-establishment of the capitalist profit principle in 1965. Personal enrichment developed, as well as a "black" sector of capitalist economy.

This ideological, political and economic degeneration led in 1990 to the complete restoration of capitalism in its most unbridled forms. Production in the former Soviet Union stood in 1999 at 57% of its 1990 level (and in the Ukraine even at 39%), its population decreased by 6 million people in 8 years’ time, mortality became twice as high as the number of births, life expectancy decreased from 64 to 61 years and 60% of its population receives an income below subsistence level.

In the imperialist world, most communist parties, which had always known marked opportunist tendencies, completely degenerated once Krushchev took the revisionist road. They have become part and parcel of the bourgeois political world.

In the Third World countries, most anti-imperialist and communist revolutionary parties were influenced by the explosion of opportunism and revisionism in the rest of the world. Counterrevolutionary coups d’état eliminated most of the leaders who had remained loyal to the anti-imperialist struggle. The new leaders simply took over the positions of the old colonizers within the neocolonial apparatus. They became a bureaucratic and comprador bourgeoisie, intermediate forces propped up by imperialism in order to maintain its political and economic hold over these countries.

It is in this context that the new stage of imperialist globalization in the world is situated. This globalization is nothing but the extension to almost the entire planet and the intensification of all contradictions that have characterized imperialism since its birth in 1900. Far from being a natural and beneficial process for the whole world, globalization stretches exploitation, domination and repression to its limits, thus preparing the emergence of anti-imperialist and anticapitalist revolutionary movement on a world scale as never seen before.

From the vantage point of the economy, the current stage of imperialist globalization is characterized by revolutions in the field of information technology, communications and transport, but also by the unprecedented concentration in transnational corporations that operate on a world scale.

The current globalization is the result of three intertwining forces: first the big transnational corporations, secondly the imperialist states which protect and defend the interests of their monopolies and of their international alliances, and finally the institutions dominated by the imperialist states and their transnationals, such as the IMF, the World Bank and the World Trade Organization. In no sense, however, do the operations of imperialism result in the domination of the world by some "international merger of finance capital".

The current globalization is also marked by deep crises that shake the imperialist world and force the transnationals to grab of all possible sources of profit in the dominated countries and to push the exploitation of the working class in the entire world to its most extreme limits.

The counterrevolution in the socialist countries is without any doubt a victory for imperialism, but it hasn’t weakened the contradictions of the capitalist and imperialist world in any way. On the contrary, it has only further sharpened them. 40% of the Russian economy is in the hands of the mafia, which has become the strongest and best known mafia force in the world. In the entire capitalist world, the economy of crime flourishes with the impulse coming from the East. The nice speeches about the merits of the free market are no longer able to hide the fact that capitalism has become, in the main, a mafia system. The national treason of the new bourgeoisie in the countries of the former Soviet Union, the national humiliation of proud nations reduced to American and European neocolonies, the unbelievable degradation of the working conditions of the workers: all these will inevitably lead to new great revolutionary struggles. Imperialism, pushed by the crisis that is shaking it, will try to take hold of the fabulous riches of the Caspian Sea and of Siberia. NATO is already preparing itself for war against Russia. But any war of aggression against the former Soviet Union will inevitably develop the forces of socialist revolution.

At the most difficult time for world imperialism, in the 1970s, the national and comprador bourgeoisies of the Third World were forced to go into debt in a huge way, for the construction of infrastructure and to create companies for the production of raw materials, offering them at the same time the opportunity to enrich themselves by illegal means. The aim was to avoid the creation of a national industry based on the needs of the popular masses. The crushing debt brought the local bourgeoisies to their knees. In order to impose the dictates of imperialism, they have increased the repression against the people even more. The total debt increased from 61 billion dollars in 1970 to 2554 billions in 1999. It will be difficult to augment it even more. Many countries’ export revenues are no longer sufficient to assure the service of the foreign debt.

With all countries pushed by imperialism to go into debt for the production of raw materials, and with the crisis of overproduction of raw materials that resulted from this, a large number of Third World bourgeoisies have become exhausted. In the course of 1998-99, there was an unprecedented fall in the price of the raw materials exported by the Third World.

While forcing the entry of its products in the Third World, imperialism is inventing new protectionist measures against manufactured goods and agricultural products from the Third World. With the Uruguay Round on trade liberalization, the imperialists have imposed their liberalization, giving the Third World countries in exchange nothing but promises… which were never kept. Protectionism is also meant to delay the social catastrophe in the West, while it aggravates the already unbearable suffering of four billion people.

With the WTO, imperialism is making access to technological and scientific progress more difficult. To be able to survive, billions of people in the Third World need better food and medicine. The transnationals impose costly patents on their pharmaceutical products and foodstuffs, thus extorting the last dime from the damned of the earth.

These bureaucratic and comprador bourgeoisies were not able to put up any resistance as imperialism, in order to escape from its own crisis, demanded that they renounce their economic sovereignty and put their national heritage on sale. They were forced to privatize their national industries and to liberalize their imports, thereby destroying the weak national forces of production.

As a « benefit » of globalization, a number of dominated countries have received « delocalized » investments: productive sectors in which the cost of salaries had become too high, have been delocalized. It concerns mainly, aside from electronics, textile and footwear industries… which have provoked the breakdown of national production in these sectors, resulting in many more lay-offs than the number of jobs the country gained. With the big crises in Mexico (1995), South-East Asia (1997) and Brazil (1998), there was an enormous capital flight toward the US. In the last couple of years, the US has gained between 300 and 400 billion dollars thanks to this capital flight.

The more overproduction becomes a menace to the imperialist countries, the more they destroy national production in the dominated countries. Overproduction in the rich countries corresponds to a growing underproduction in the majority of the Third World countries, where imperialism renders even the inception of a national capitalism impossible. Some continue to repeat the lie that "capitalism allows countries to develop, while socialism has failed" at a time when we have seen the massive destruction of productive forces in the formerly socialist countries and in the Third World countries which had known a certain level of industrial development.

The current "globalization" has two faces: extension and intensification of the economic domination of imperialism on a global scale, and at the same time the reinforcement of all dividing factors among the oppressed and dominated masses. Imperialism is "globalizing" ethnic, national, religious and racial divisions in order to push the oppressed masses to fight and murder each other and render impossible all popular and united resistance against this domination.

Globalization has produced a "terror international", using the media as weapons of psychological warfare and creating or further developing paramilitary forces.

The military aggression against Iraq of January 1991 continues in the form of economic aggression up to this day, from time to time reinforced with new military attacks. One and a half million Iraqi lives have already been sacrificed in the name of the goddess of imperialist globalization.

Imperialist aggression in the Middle East, by means of its puppet Israel, is yet another example, against which the Palestinian people develops a heroic anti-imperialist struggle.

With the interposition of the Rwandese and Ugandan armies, imperialism has launched a barbarian aggression against the country of Kabila, because it feared the emergence of an independent and powerful Congo in the heart of Africa. The aim was to break the will to achieve political and economic independence of this country, which has the potential to become very rich. Imperialism also wanted to grab the largest world reserves of strategic minerals such as gold, diamond, cobalt and of rare minerals such as niobium, tantalum and columbium. US imperialism has caused a real genocide in Congo, in which three million people have died, due to the aggression and the destruction.

The growing role of communist and anti-imperialist organizations in Colombia and Ecuador is disturbing US imperialism, which threatens to attack these countries in order to safeguard the domination of the transnationals and of the corrupt governments that are serving the interests of Washington.

Invoking the constraints imposed by globalization, the same transnationals wage real offensives against the achievements of the working class in the imperialist countries as well as in the dominated countries. Salary decreases, contractualization with contracts of limited duration, the generalization of part-time jobs, the growth of flexibility, the extreme intensification of the work pace, the closure of factories, the dismantling of social security, limits on unemployment benefits, the increase in taxes at a time when company taxes have reached an all-time low…

The increase in productivity and the extraction of surplus value from the workers are paid for dearly by the latter, with stress, mental problems, disease and death.

The imperialist "globalization" enormously accentuates the parasitic and speculative character of finance capital. The bursting of the bubble of technology stocks at the American stock markets has caused the "disappearance" of 4 trillion dollar. Without doubt, this will result in the United States decreasing their import from Japan and Europe. The day that these creditor countries want to collect their money from the United States, anything may happen.

The US debt (households, companies and State) has attained its highest level in history. It has passed from about 140% of the US Gross Domestic Product in 1981 to 189% in 1991, which is the current level. If there is an important recession, such a debt will provoke catastrophical bankruptcies for the workers as well as seizures for failure to repay the contracted loans.

The impoverishment of the masses in the former socialist states as well as in the dominated countries and the imperialist centers will necessarily worsen the financial crises and the crises of overproduction.

For several years, the automobile sector has been characterized by overproduction and over-capacity. One important country after the other has known a major crisis: Mexico in 1995, South-East Asia in 1997, Brazil and Russia in 1998. Japan has known stagnation for ten years. In early 2001, a crisis of overproduction erupted in the new technology sector, the sector that had become the symbol of the irresistible "dynamism" of monopoly capitalism…

The factors that may provoke a major crisis in the future are accumulating, a crisis on a world scale that will shake the entire planet.

The contradictions between the big imperialist centers has become clearer and sharper since the fall of their principal common enemy, the Soviet Union.

The United States remains by far the most powerful imperialist power in the economic field, and especially in the military field, where it is the only military superpower.

But unequal development, a law inherent to capitalism, is changing economic power relations.

In 1945, the gross domestic product of the United States represented 50% of the global gross domestic product. In 1999, the gross domestic product of the United States had decreased to 28.8%, that of the European Union is situated at 27.3% and that of Japan at 14.5% . According to certain estimates, by 2020 the contribution of the United States will have fallen to 10 to 15%, more or less the same level as Europe, Japan, and - according to the most optimistic estimates - China.

The European Union constitutes the strategic project common to all imperialist countries in Europe, as demanded by the big European monopolies. The latter want to conquer new markets on a worldwide scale, at the expense of their American and Japanese competitors.

On its own, no single European imperialist country is a valid competitor to US or Japanese domination. This Europe is still far from being completed. Its construction is charged with the rivalries among its (large) components. Germany is imposing its will the most; the others (France, Great-Britain and even the "small ones") also want to have their say. But all monopolies of all European countries want the large market of the European Union in order to develop themselves into real competitors of the Americans and the Japanese.

The contradictions between the United States and the European Union continue to develop, among them those in the commercial and monetary fields. Sharp rivalry is opposes both centers for the domination of Africa and the Arab world.

The United States want a Europe that is strong enough to help them conquer Eastern Europe and contain Russia. They also want it because their transnationals on the European continent will also benefit from a common integrated market.

In order to maintain their joint imperialist domination of the world, NATO is indispensable both to the US and to Europe. NATO is the armed branch of US and European imperialism that is threatening Russia, China and all Third World countries directly. Even a country such as Algeria, in 1975 still the standard bearer of the anti-imperialist struggle, has undertaken "joint military exercises" with NATO and is discussing its cooperation with this aggressive military pact.

On the other hand, the US also want to maintain NATO to control and, if need be, to weaken and divide the competitor-power that is this Europe under construction. They want to avoid the emergence of a European superpower that could challenge US economic and military hegemony.

The war of aggression against Yugoslavia was essentially a war to control the gateways to Middle East and Caspian Sea oil, and was also a preparation for war against Russia. But as the interests of American and European transnationals don’t correspond in those two strategic zones, Europe has decided to construct an "independent" army for aggression.

Europe is aware that it won’t be able to dominate the markets nor the areas it is coveting without an army. On 29 May 1999, in full aggression of the war against Yugoslavia, France and Germany proclaimed their "determination to contribute with all their weight so that the European Union would provide itself with the necessary means to face international crises", and this without direct intervention by the United States. The United States fears that this European Army would develop ever more independently of NATO and would finally come into competition with its army.

Conversely, Europe is opposed to the new arms race which the United States want to initiate with the construction of an anti-missile defense system.

The United States can again try to "get out of the crisis" by taking the road of militarization and preparing for a large international war. China and Russia would be the main targets, as well as the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. But Europe knows that it will become the victim of such a policy.

The enormous industrial and financial power of Japan is in fact, in numerous fields, a powerful competitor to the United States. But its relative isolation in Asia and its military weakness compared to that of the US mean that Japan doesn’t have the potential to replace the global hegemony of the United States.

In current exchange value, the Gross Domestic Product of Japan is situated at 4,610 billion dollar in 2000, representing 46.5% of the US Gross Domestic Product and 59% of the European Gross Domestic Product. In 1996, 36.5% of the Japanese investments abroad were situated in the United States compared to only 30.5% in Asia. The United States has a very important trade deficit with Japan – 77.5 billion dollar in 1999, mainly due to the import of cars and electronics.

But Japan – an archipelago without raw materials reserves nor sources of energy – is currently faced with an independent China, whose economic power is only growing and whose relations with the rest of Asia and in the whole world are intensifying at all levels. China is determined to reincorporate its province of Taiwan – an important economic partner of Japan – and one day, it will do so. South Korea is to Japan a competitor as well as a partner, but could redefine its strategy following the negotiations on the reunification of Korea.

Even while the United States is still by far its main economic partner, Japan is seeking to diminish its dependence on the US. This cannot be achieved without creating links with the Eurasian continent. As of now, Japan is by far the main investor in China. The reunification of the North and the South of Korea could provide access to the (energy) resources of China, Siberia and the independent republics of Central Eurasia.

For its "defense", Japan currently depends on its alliance with the US. Nevertheless, it already has the second biggest military budget in the world and a big, well equipped army.

Faced with the changes that are shaking Asia, two tendencies can be discerned. The first one, well in the majority, hopes to be able to develop in the American fold and to benefit from free trade and the US military umbrella.

The second, minority one, thinks that Japan needs to create its own sphere of dominance by building a strong army, capable of intervening anywhere in Asia. This would allow Japan to assure military control over the sources of its raw materials.

If the US embarks on the adventure of a big war with China, Japan’s position would be uncertain. Several US analysts do not exclude that in case of a major military conflict between the US and China, Japan could remain neutral or even ally with China.

China constitutes one of the greatest challenges for imperialist domination in the world. In the past two decades, characterized by thorough reforms of its system, China has known growth rates nearing 8%. It has tripled its GDP between 1990 and 1999.

The complete restoration of capitalism in the former Soviet Union and in Eastern Europe and the submission of these countries to US imperialism, as well as the increased aggressiveness of imperialism (Iraq, Yugoslavia-Kosovo) have strengthened the anti-imperialist character of Chinese politics.

Imperialism certainly doesn’t like to see China strengthen its political links and economic exchange with other countries in Asia, mainly, but also in Latin America and Africa, thus reinforcing their common capacity to get away from imperialist domination.

The imperialist powers use the question of Taiwan, of Tibet, of so-called human rights violations, etc. in order to exert pressure, create tensions and weaken the government and the Communist Party of China. The ulterior aim of imperialism is the fall of the regime and the installation of a neocolonial regime in China.

Wanting to break China’s development by means of an internal counterrevolution, the US are not certain to obtain this. China could affirm itself as an independent big power. Also, the US could still prepare for war with China. The Bush administration is considering giving China the status of strategic enemy for the next century.

The process of peaceful reunification of North and South Korea puts the US imperialists before a serious strategic problem. The possible reunification of Korea is perceived by US imperialism as a real threat for its own domination in North-East Asia. It will put into question the massive US military presence, with troops and missiles, in North-East Asia, forcing US and Japanese imperialism to look for new forms of "regional security". The US Defense Ministry declares, in a report of September 2000, that it is on the issue of Korea that the US could engage in "a large-scale war".

The new Russian bourgeoisie, which is maffia-like and compradore, has no firm grasp over the popular masses. The peoples of Russia have a great anti-imperialist potential. Broken as a great nation and humiliated as a neocolony by imperialism, the contradictions between Russia and the United States will necessarily sharpen. It is in Russia’s interest to get closer to the Third World countries that want to disengage form the imperialist grip, to reestablish economic relations with the socialist countries, to stimulate the integration of the former Soviet republics and to open all possibilities for the resurrection of the Soviet Union as a socialist State, the real alternative to imperialist globalization and to a new world war.

Since 1996 the "Group of Shanghai" has been formed, which every year brings together China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kirgyzistan and Tadjikistan with the aim of intensifying their cooperation in the economic, political and military fields.

With a worsening crisis, US imperialism is opting for a militarization of its economy and for a confrontation policy that, in the case of a deep and sustained crisis, could lead to a new world war. The unequal development of the imperialist powers is a factor that leads to war.

The explosive materials that could provoke a new world war are building up, mainly because of the hegemonist position of the United States. If the US superpower dares to start a new world war, pushing once more the oppression that weighs already so heavily on the popular masses to its limits, it will be the task of the revolutionaries to fight this diabolic power wherever in the world, with the aim of achieving victory over it and opening up the way to the national democratic and socialist revolution.

The imperialist forces expected that the collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe would bring about the collapse of socialism in the whole world. This « hope » has not become reality. The DPR of Korea, Cuba, Vietnam, Laos and China have maintained, in the main, their independence and their political and social regime.

The Cuban representative declared: "Globalization tries to control the world, but there is a country that resists and obtains results that others cannot show. Today, every day, 35,000 children die of causes linked to hunger; not a single one of them is Cuban. The same day, thousands of people die because of the lack of medical care; none of them is Cuban. At this moment, million of people rest in ignorance because of the lack of books and schools; none of them is Cuban. The neoliberal and hegemonic globalization is aggression to us as it is to the rest of humankind; but Cuba responds to this aggression with even more revolution and by consolidating socialism in its territory. We are advancing and we will triumph. Cuba will not fall, this we can assure you!"

The fact that US imperialism, notwithstanding all its efforts, has not been able to destroy the foundations of socialism in small countries like Cuba, the DPR of Korea, Vietnam and Laos is a sign of its strategic weakness and of the force of socialist ideas.

By pushing all the contradictions of the imperialist world to the limit, the imperialist globalization will inevitably produce a global counter-offensive of all forces suffering from extreme poverty, over-exploitation, domination, terror and war.

There is a growing consciousness that the capitalist mode of production is no longer compatible with the simple survival of humanity, that imperialism has really become genocidal.

Never has the contradiction been sharper between the social character of production and the private character of the ownership of the means of production, which encloses the productive potential of the latter in an unbearable framework imposed by the necessity to maximize profits for a very small class of capitalists. Factories and companies are only allowed to multiply and produce if they bring in profits for capitalists, leaving the major part of humanity, which has become superfluous and unnecessary, to vegetate in inhuman conditions.

There is a growing contradiction between the explosive development of productive forces and technology, which allows the production of goods in practically unlimited numbers, and the narrowness of the markets that are limited by the poverty and the lack of resources of the immense majority of humankind.

Capitalism can only produce the necessary profits for the smallest layer of stock owners by destroying the physical and mental health of the workers, maintaining obscurantism, fueling reactionary civil wars and fascist gangs, provoking genocides by armed violence, embargoes, famine, the unchecked spread of diseases and epidemics,…

Humanity will not resign itself to this barbaric and inhuman fate very much longer.

The exploitation, exclusion and terror that characterize imperialist globalization will certainly provoke new national, anti-imperialist revolutions as well as new socialist revolutions on a larger scale than in the 20^th century.

More than ever, the two great revolutionary trends of our era are marching hand in hand: the democratic and anti-imperialist revolution in the dominated countries and the socialist revolution in the capitalist countries. The fulfillment of the national democratic revolution will permit the revolutionary forces to take on the stage of socialist revolution. Confronting all the violence of imperialism, which is nothing else but monopoly capitalism, the masses are getting conscious of the fact that the capitalist road offers no solution. Experience has shown that even the revolutionary national bourgeoisies, like the one that led the anticolonial war in Algeria, have not been able to maintain the people’s gains. Carried away by self-interest, one after the other faction of this bourgeoisie has gone over to the side of imperialism, thus plunging Algeria in the status of neocolony.

Only the working class, allied with all toiling classes, can lead the anti-imperialist revolution in a consequent manner to its fulfillment and prepare for its future transition to the socialist revolution, which will ban all forms of exploitation of man by man.

More than ever before in history, socialism has become an absolute necessity for the survival, the dignity and the cultural and spiritual development of the masses. And more that ever before in history, technological development renders socialism possible.

The enormous development of the productive forces these last decades has given humanity the potential to lead all peoples of the world out of economic backwardness. Thanks to the means that it has obtained, society can rapidly conquer disease, hunger and malnutrition, illiteracy and ignorance. The condition is that society undoes itself of the hellish straitjacket in which private property has enclosed the means of production. The condition is reorganization on a socialist basis.

Proletarian dictatorship, based on the masses, against the big bourgeoisie is the condition for the change of the economic and social system. This dictatorship against the forces of imperialist barbarity will render a real and workable democracy possible for the popular masses. Socialism will develop popular education, science and technology, and the means of production much faster and on a much broader scale than what imperialism has done until now. Production will be planned in function of the maximum response to the material and cultural needs of the people.

As internationalists, we communists are in no way opposed to the objectively necessary processes of globalization. In the final analysis and on a world scale, socialism cannot be realized but as an international system of federal socialist republics. This will be guided by the principles of solidarity and mutual help to put together the progress of development in a planned manner. Proletarian internationalism will guide solidarity among the people, the elimination of all ethnic or national barriers, the disappearance of discriminatory practices and attitudes as well as of chauvinism, the mutually advantageous exchanges between peoples, the sharing of knowledge outside any mercantile considerations, the harmonious and proportionate development of all regions in the world, if on this basis production obeys a plan that takes into consideration the needs of all people in a cooperative framework.