Imperialism and the growth of fascism:
a case study of India
Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Red Flag
Contribution to the International Communist Seminar
"Imperialism, Fascisation and Fascism"
Brussels, 2-4 May 2000
Introduction
The growth of fascism is a common feature today at global level. As the general crisis of imperialist system deepens this threat is intensifying. What is attempted below is a study on the growing threat of fascism in general with special reference to developments in India.
The question of growing threat of fascism was widely discussed during 1970 itself in India. The beginning of this decade was marked by two significant factors. One, the vertical split in Congress reducing India Gandhi government to minority supported one. Two, emergence of the Naxalbari movement which launched countrywide anti-feudal struggles by taking up arms. To face these challenges, Indira Gandhi government manoevouring a majority in the Lok Sabha by managing the support of social democratic forces and the revisionist sections including CPI(M), CPI, and by signing a military treaty with Soviet Union which had already abandoned socialist path and degenerated to social imperialist positions, adopted a two-pronged offensive. On the one hand, utilising the schism then developing in the East Bengal of then united Pakistan, it resorted to large scale militarisation and declaration of external emergency. National jingoist slogans were propagated. Soon Indian army entered East Bengal, defeated and arrested the Pak army contingents there, helped the formation of Bangladesh with Soviet help. From RSS to revisionists, all joined hands to support this.
On the other hand utilising this atmosphere the state forces and hired hoodlums in large numbers were let loose to resort to large scale massacre and suppression of CPI(ML). Even the CPI(M) cadres in Bengal were selectively tortured and suppressed. Election to Bengal assembly in 1971 was rigged ensuring Congress (I) victory. The sweeping victory of Congress (I) in 1971 Lok Sabha elections emboldened Indira Gandhi regime to resort to more autocratic, dictatorial measure. While the revolutionary left and most of the democratic forces called it a fascist offensive, the CPI(M) leadership called it semi-fascist.
As the economic crisis gripping the imperialist system from early 1970s had started gravely affecting Indian economy and polity also, in spite of massive majority in Lok Sabha and the brutal crushing of the revolutionary forces, India Gandhi regime had to confront people's revolts in Gujarat, Bihar and elsewhere soon. Working class and peasantry also came forward though various strike struggles and mass movements. Faced with unprecedented challenges from these growing opposition, India Gandhi regime resorted to large scale attacks on these movements and then declared internal emergency in 1975. All the civil rights were denied and large scale suppression started. Except Congress (I) and its collaborators, and their Soviet backers, all popular forces depicted this as a heinous fascist offensive. But within the ruling classes and in the Imperialist camp, especially between the then two superpowers, there were sharp differences on these developments. The contradictions got reflected in later Indian developments, with the defeat of Congress(I) in 1977, elections. The emergency was revoked and many fascist measures of the emergency period were revoked. But later, as all social contradictions went on sharpening giving rise to numerous convulsions of differing character, once again various governments resorted to numerous measures making the state apparatus more and more anti-people and autocratic.
Present Situation
It is in this background the present developments in India should be analysed, especially after coming to power of Sangh Parivar through the BJP-led government.
As far as the traditional left parties led by CPI(M) and CPI who have degenerated to social democratic positions are concerned, they analyse the emergence of Sangh Parivar forces and the growing fascist threat it poses only as the rise of communal fascism. They refuse to link the growth of fascist threat with intensifying neocolonisation of the country. So they are projecting a single point formula of bringing down BJP-led government. They have abandoned all efforts to analyse the reasons for the emergence of fascist threat and its characteristics in India-like situation.
As they refuse to see the relation between growth of fascism with intensifying imperialist plunder and its consequences, they fail to recognise why the anti-brahminical opposition towards BJP by backward and dalit leaderships, and anti-communal stand of regional parties get corroded under commercialisation and liberalisation. These parties do not find much difficulty in joining the BJP-led forces. What happened to old brands of social democrats like George Fernandes also explains this.
In short, CPI(M) and CPI are rejecting the relation between emergence of fascism with the economic factors, and reducing fascism to mere communal fascism, that is as fascist threat posed only by communal forces.
History does not repeat itself mechanically
On the other hand there are streams of left forces who deny the possibility of emergence of fascism in countries like present day India, which is characterised as 'semi-colonial, semi feudal'. For them, fascism can emerge only in conditions similar to those of Europe in the 1920s and 1930s. This is a mechanical understanding.
Dimitrov analysed: "fascism is most ferocious attack by capital on the mass of the working people; fascism is unbridled chauvinism and predatory war; fascism is rabid reaction and counter-revolution; fascism is the most viscious enemy of the working class and of all working people". In the then concrete conditions Executive Committee of the CI analysed fascism as the "open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of finance capital," and that "with the development of the very deep economic crisis, with the general crisis of capitalism becoming sharply accentuated and the mass of working people getting revolutionised, fascism has embarked upon a wide offensive". The then ruling bourgeoisie sought salvation more and more in fascism. The Sixth Congress of the CI earlier (1928) had pointed out that "fascist tendencies and the germs of a fascist movement are to be found almost everywhere". Alongwith the developed capitalist-imperialist countries in Western Europe and in Italy, they emerged in Spain, Portugal and central Europe, as well as in many dependent countries of Latin America. This analysis of Dimitrov, and Sixth and Seventh Congress of Communist International do not help these advocates of 'semi feudalism' to reject the possibility of emergence of fascist tendencies and growing fascist threats in the large number of countries under new form of imperialist domination like India, alongwith the imperialist countries, in this period of acute general crisis of the imperialist system. Only the sections suffering from extreme ideological backwardness shall dare to (mis)quote Dimitrov to mechanically reject the growing threats of fascism in countries like India.
Growing fascist threats in capitalist-imperialist countries
With the beginning of the general crisis in the imperialist countries from early 1970s various fascist forces started emerging in the capitalist imperialist countries and they have reached dangerous levels at the turn of the new century. Its prominent advocate in Britain, Enoch Powell emits his venomous racial hatred utilised by the fascists in these countries in following words: "Skin colour is a permanent and involuntary uniform which performs. …. The functions of a uniform in warfare, distinguishing one side from the other, friend and foe, making it possible to see at a glance where to render assistance and where to attack". The capacity of racism has intensified with Thacher's demolition of welfare state policies which Tony Blair of (New) Labour Party is perpetuating through his enterprise culture. Though the market is propagated as a great equaliser by the imperialists it has only alarmingly widened the gap between the earnings of the top of the capitalist income pyramid and the vast masses. Cause of this destitution is explained as due to increasing number of other 'races'. Racial hatred is utilised as the ideological base for spreading fascist tendencies.
Europe's biggest nazi Party, France's National Front (NF) popularised a racist vocabulary with references to 'levels of tolerance', 'invasion of immigrants', 'noise and smell' of foreigners etc. which are now internalised by the French ruling classes and its top most leaders. The ideas and language of NF is being given respectability. This emboldened NF leader Le Pen to justify Hitlerite genocide as a 'detail' of history. Now he has called on his fascist thugs: "Crisis is a great midwife of history. When situation are blocked, it is generally the drive of human nature which forces a breakthrough into new times …. Now it is certain that only the NF can lead this country from decadence …. There is time when all that will end and that will be revolution. The extreme left is preparing for it … So I believe that you too should prepare yourselves, because at certain point the worm-eaten structures of our system are going to collapse".
Under skinheads in Germany, and various fascist groups in US and elsewhere racism is gathering speed. Compared to all these forces, the emergence and growth of Haidar's 'Freedom Party' in Austria to share power there with open fascist slogans and anti-immigrant ideological base, reflect how fast these forces are coming up with the intensification of imperialist crisis. In all these countries the market forces have massively marginalised ethnic minorities, and racism is serving as ideological base for spread of fascist movements. As the general crisis of imperialist system is intensifying these tendencies are encouraged by the ruling classes. In US to be black driver is to invite police scrutiny, as thousands are daily singled out for groundless pull-overs, 'pretext' stops, and subjected to intrusive, warrantless searches and abusive treatment by police. Worse is the condition in ghettos. Everywhere the working class as a whole are deprived of democratic and TU rights. State is becoming more fascistic with many civil rights being taken away. The fascists are preparing for taking over the state a s bourgeois democratic institutions cannot cope up with increasing people's resentment. Fascist tendencies are spreading as the spearhead of international counter-revolution and as the chief instigator of imperialist war. The imposition of globalisation policies and aggression against Iraq and Yugoslavia extemplify these developments.
In the neocolonies
The structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs) imposed everywhere under the neo-liberal or monetarist New Economic Policies (NEPs) through the dictates of the imperialist agencies and the globalisation have transferred a major part of the burden of the current general crisis of imperialism to the neocolonies. As a result, all these countries are caught in the vortex of intensifying crisis. The tyranny of imperialist globalisation and market economy with the imperialist directed exchanges have brought about significant changes in the world situation. Not only the crisis in the economic field is globalised as a result. The crisis in the ruling system in the imperialist countries alongwith its increasing fascicisation is also globalised. Besides racism, religious fundamentalism, ethnicity etc are utilised as the ideological basis for spreading the fascicisation. India is a very good example in this case.
As pointed out in the beginning itself, the honeymoon of the populist rule with socialist pretensions was over with the end of Nehruvian rule and India's ruling class started exhibiting increasing authoritarian urges from the beginning of Indira Gandhi regime in order to perpetuate the rule of the comprador classes and to suppress various people's movements.
From the early 1970s the manifestation of the beginning of the crisis in the imperialist system was felt in India also. To be more precise, the India regime started in Mid-1960s with a heavy dose of devaluation of rupee and allowing entry of imperialist capital. The changes in agrarian sector led to emergence and growth of rich peasants or capitalist farmers or agricultural bourgeoisie in various parts of the country, and to the entry of imperialist capital and MNCs. Alongwith the big bourgeoisie and bureaucratic bourgeoisie, these agricultural bourgeoisie and big landlords, all of whom are comprador in character and are happy to operate hands-in-glove with the imperialist system, constitute the ruling classes in India. As the years passed, like in the capitalist-imperialist countries, in India like countries also fascist tendencies started getting strengthened alongwith growing economic crisis.
In 1970s Congress (I), the then main political representative of these ruling classes tried to provide the ideological base for this fascicisation with national jingoism. In this context it will be useful to quote Dimitrov. He said: "The development of fascism, and the fascist dictatorship itself, assume different forms in different countries, according to historical, social and economic conditions and to the national peculiarities, and the international position of the given country. In certain countries, principally those in which fascism has no broad mass bases and in which the struggle of various groups within the camp of the fascist bourgeoisie itself is rather acute, fascism does not immediately venture to abolish parliament, but allow the other bourgeois parties as well as the social democratic parties to retain a modicum of legality. In other countries, where the ruling bourgeoisie fears an early outbreak of revolution, fascism establishes its unrestricted political monopoly, either immediately or intensifying its reign of terror against and prosecution of all rival parties and groups. This does not prevent fascism, when its position becomes particularly acute, from trying to extend its base and without altering its class nature, trying to combine open terrorist dictatorship with a crude sham of parliamentarism."
He continued to state that the accession to power of fascism is not an ordinary succession of one bourgeois government by another, but a substitution of one state form of class domination of the bourgeoisie -- bourgeois democracy by another form-open terrorist dictatorship. It would be serious mistake to ignore this distinction, a mistake liable to prevent the revolutionary proletariat from mobilising the widest strata of the working people for the struggle against the menace of the seizure of power by fascists. It will also prevent taking advantage of the contradictions which exist in the camp of the bourgeoisie. Similarly, it will be mistake to underrate the reactionary measures of the bourgeoisie increasing in bourgeois-democratic countries, measures which suppress the democratic liberties of the working people, falsify and curtail the rights of parliament and intensify the repression of the revolutionary movement. Whoever does not fight the reactionary measures of the bourgeoisie and the growth of fascism at these preliminary stages is not in a position to prevent the victory of fascism, but on the contrary facilitates that victory."
In 1970s CPI(M) and CPI forces due to their degeneration to class-collaborationist, social democratic positions, and the CPI(ML) forces due to sectarian line could not play leading role in mobilising the working masses under proletarian leadership against the fascist tendencies exhibited by the Indira regime. Still Congress (I) could not go ahead on this line much due to acute contradictions within the bourgeoisie, linked with the then acute contradiction between the two super powers at international level.
But this picture started changing from the 1980s. The Hindutua forces have come forward pursuing its political aims by adapting its hitherto shrill and narrow petit-bourgeois ideology to the present requirement of the ruling classes and the imperialist forces. It is deploying the ideology of Hindu Rashtra, the language of cultural nationalism to serve the comprador ruling class interests. Like the justification of the aggression on Iraq and Yugoslavia by US imperialists as defence of 'American way of life', the Hindutua forces utilise the resources of 'tradition' to defend privileges for the right to rule. Internal dissent is managed by suppressing it as alien, dissentors termed 'enemies within'.
Alongwith new economies strategies pursued under liberalisation-globalisation by the state, the fascist tendencies ranging from the aggression of the local elites and police forces against all oppressed section to the Hindutua offensive as an organised authoritarian option are on the rise. The ruling classes have started backing Hindutua as its most resolute domestic face, with the erosion of the Congress hegemony. And the Sangh Parivar has started making its brand of cultural nationalism identifying the nation with the dominant identity, the cause of the 'Hindu' bourgeoisie within it, and by formulating all threats to it as threats to the nation, defined as originating from the demonised minorities. As mentioned earlier, as in the case of European countries through persistent propaganda and assertion the religious fundamentalist thinking that relation and the cultural nationalise it spreads must be part of any acceptable humane and tolerant polity is made acceptable to more by challenging the secular concept, theoretically and practically. Contrary to what is being put forward by the pseudo left forces like by CPI(M) and CPI, the challenge posed by Sangh Parivar cannot be overthrown merely by replacing Vajpayee government with non BJP government. The challenge is more serious and fundamental.
Immediate Tasks
The first cardinal point is to correctly understand that in the present concrete situation, fascicisation can take place and is taking place in the imperialist countries as well as in the former colonies semi-colonies which are transformed to neocolonies in the post-War situation, and which have come under intensifying globalisation process. In these neocolonies increasing sections of petti-bourgeoisie and the comprador classes, who are getting more and more integrated with international market system, provide the class-basis for this fascicisation. The fascist force utilise communal, ethnic, chauvinist and feudal values to entrench themselves. But refusing to see the role of imperialism and its neocolonisation-globalisation policies in encouraging the growth of fascist forces will lead to erroneous positions.
The second point is to recognise the process of development of fascicisation. Those who equate rise and fall of fascism with the ascendance to power or fall of a BJP led government, as in the case of India, or merely to the threats posed by Sangh Parivar, are missing or rejecting the cardinal points. Possibilities for rise and spread of fascist tendencies exist under the ruling system in present social economic political situation. So, to declare that fascism has come to power with the BJP-led government coming to power and making all sorts of compromises with reactionary party like Congress (I) in the name of fighting fascism as the CPI(M) and CPI leaderships are doing amounts to liquidating the anti fascist struggle.
The third significant point is that instead of neglecting the fascist danger, or over reacting the growing threat of fascism in Indian polity, and its relation with the intensification of neocolonisation which intensifies all social contradictions should be seen. As Dimitrov pointed out failure to recognise and start combating the growth of fascist tendencies from the preliminary stages itself will only lead to facilitating the victory of fascism.
History has repeatedly proved in various countries that neither the ruling class parties nor the social democratic forces shall come forward to fight against fascism. On the contrary, at the critical junctures they have only compromised or gone over to the side of fascist forces. Besides the growth of fascist tendencies are integrally linked to intensifying neocolonisation and imperialist general crisis. Only the Communist Party can give effective leadership to it.
What is required today in the neocolonies like India is the building up of a people's alternative under the leadership of Communist Party with anti-imperialist democratic programme to fight against both globalisation policies and growing fascist threats.